Benedict XVI and the redemption of jihad
Print Friendly VersionBy JOHN L. ALLEN JR.
Chicago
Can jihad be redeemed? That is, can the religious sense of purpose that fuels Islamic extremism be leavened with a commitment to reason and peace, without thereby losing its sense of self? That’s the $64,000 question facing Islam, and it is for the most part one that only Muslims themselves can answer.
One could make the case, however, that if anyone in the West can help, it’s Pope Benedict XVI, despite Regensburg and all the heartache that followed – because Benedict is the lone figure of global standing in the West who speaks from within the same thought world that Muslims sympathetic to the strong religious identity of the jihadists themselves inhabit.
A detour into the recent history of Islamic thought helps make the point.
Egyptian poet and essayist Sayyid Qutb, hanged by Nasser in 1966, is known as the father of modern Islamic radicalism. Ironically, Qutb’s vision of jihad as an unrelenting conflict with the enemies of Islam was forged in part in the improbable locales of Washington, D.C., Greeley, Colorado, and Palo Alto, California, where he studied from 1948 to 1950 as part of an exchange program sponsored by the Egyptian Ministry of Education.
Qutb attended Wilson Teachers’ College, the Colorado State College of Education (today the University of Northern Colorado), and Stanford. Based on that experience, Qutb penned his famous tract The America I Have Seen, which has gone through innumerable printings and today can be found in cheap paperback editions in virtually every corner of the Islamic world. It still exercises a profound impact in shaping Muslim perceptions of American culture.
The work amounted to a ferocious attack upon what Qutb called “the American man,” depicted as obsessed with technology but virtually a barbarian in the realm of spirituality and human values. American society, for Qutb, was “rotten and ill” to its very core.
He wrote:
This great America: What is it worth in the scale of human values? And what does it add to the moral account of humanity? And, by the journey’s end, what will its contribution be? I fear that a balance may not exist between America’s material greatness and the quality of its people. And I fear that the wheel of life will have turned and the book of life will have closed and America will have added nothing, or next to nothing, to the account of morals that distinguishes man from object, and indeed, mankind from animals.
Qutb was not blind to the superficial attractions of America, which draw immigrants from every corner of the globe:
Imagination and dreams glimmer in this world of illusion and wonder. The hearts of men fall upon it from every valley, men from every race and color, every walk of life, and every sect and creed … America is the land of inexhaustible material resources, strength, and manpower. It is the land of huge factories, unequalled in all of civilization. … American genius in management and organization evokes wonder and admiration. America’s bounty and prosperity evoke the dreams of the Promised Land.
Yet Qutb saw that promise as false, because America’s technical virtuosity is not matched by a similar greatness of spirit:
It is the case of a people who have reached the peak of growth and elevation in the world of science and productivity, while remaining abysmally primitive in the world of the senses, feeling and behavior. A people that has not exceeded the most primordial levels of existence, and indeed, remains far below them in certain areas of feeling and behavior.
The American man’s obsession with technical power, Qutb wrote, has “narrowed his horizons, shrank his soul, limited his feelings, and decreased his place at the global feast, which is so full of patterns and colors.”
A particular zone of disgust for Qutb was what he saw as the sexual licentiousness of American culture (and this, bear in mind, was the early 1950s). He wrote that a society in which “immoral teachings and poisonous intentions are rampant” and sex is considered “outside the sphere of morality” is one in which “the humanity of man can hardly find a place to develop.” Qutb said that “providing full opportunities for the development and perfection of human characteristics requires strong safeguards for the peace and stability of the family.”
As Lebanese journalist Fawaz Gerges has noted, Qutb is no De Tocqueville. He barely scratches the surface of American culture, completely missing its underlying religiosity and failing to understand how core spiritual values such as liberty and equality form part of the bedrock of American psychology.
Yet for anyone familiar with the cultural criticism penned over the years by Joseph Ratzinger, now Pope Benedict XVI, there is nevertheless something strikingly familiar in Qutb’s critique – albeit not so much of America, as the West in general. What both men share is a conviction that the West’s scientific and technological achievements are not always matched by its spiritual and moral wisdom.
As early as his 1965 work The Sacramental Foundation of Christian Existence, Ratzinger warned against:
“… the reduction of man to homo faber, who does not interact with things in themselves, but only regards them as functions of his labor. With this … man’s ability to have a view for the eternal is destroyed. He is incarcerated in his world of labor, and his only hope is that future generations will be able to have more convenient conditions of labor than him, if he has sufficiently struggled to have such conditions created. A truly paltry consolation for an existence that has become miserably tight!”
In his 1990 book In the Beginning, on the doctrine of creation, Ratzinger wrote of contemporary Western society:
“The good and the moral no longer count, it seems, but only what one can do. The measure of a human being is what he can do, and not what he is, not what is good or bad. What he can do, he may do. … He does not free himself, but places himself in opposition to the truth. And that means that he is destroying himself and the world. … [The question] “What can we do?” will be false and pernicious while we refrain from asking, ‘Who are we?’ The question of being and the question of our hopes are inseparable.”
Ratzinger has even linked this critique to the question of birth control, arguing that it amounts to a mechanical solution to an ethical and cultural problem. In the 1996 book Salt of the Earth, he said: “One of our great perils [is] that we want to master the human condition with technology, that we have forgotten that there are primordial human problems that are not susceptible of technological solutions, but that demand a certain life-style and certain life decisions.”
I adduce these quotes, of course, not to suggest that Benedict is a Christian version of Qutb. Benedict is infinitely more balanced and subtle; among other things, Benedict is far more favorable in his analysis of American culture. As Cardinal Avery Dulles recently pointed out, at times Benedict sounds almost like De Tocqueville in his positive assessment of church/state relations in this country.
Yet Benedict XVI would nevertheless find in Qutb a version –in extreme and distorted form – of the same critique of the West that the pope in many ways shares.
In the end, this is the most compelling reason why Benedict’s repeated insistence that he wants a “frank and sincere” dialogue with Islam is more than lip service. Fundamentally, the clash of cultures that Benedict sees in the world today is not between Islam and the West, but between belief and unbelief – between a culture that grounds itself in God and religious belief, and a culture that lives etsi Deus non daretur, “as if God does not exist.”
In that struggle, Benedict has long said, Muslims are natural allies.
Yet Benedict is also well aware that at present, Islamic radicalism is having almost the opposite effect – discrediting religious commitment in any form by associating it with violence and fanaticism. Hence when Benedict presses Muslims to reject terrorism and to embrace religious liberty, he does so not as a xenophobe or a crusader, not as a “theo-con,” but as someone who perceives himself as a friend of Islam, pressing it to realize the best version of itself.
That, no doubt, is part of the argument he will try to make during his upcoming trip to Turkey.
If they could set aside their prejudices, at least some of the spiritual sons and daughters of Sayyid Qutb might well recognize a potential ally in Joseph Ratzinger – and therein lays perhaps the last, best hope for Muslim/Catholic dialogue under Benedict XVI.
(Fr.)David-Maria A. Jaeger,
(Fr.)David-Maria A. Jaeger, ofm:
Of course, very many Muslim scholars - and all of my own Muslim friends - call for a thoroughly nonviolent [re-]reading of the call for "jihad" (as a spiritual battle, rather than any sort of bloody war), much as Christians in times not long ago took to using "crusade" as shorthad for widespread public mobilisation in a good cause (The "Crusade for Children" work of charity, instead of the mediaeval "Children's Crusade"...). HOWEVER, I should be very, very wary of favouring any impression that there are commonalities, actual or desirable, between the Catholic Church and theocratic ("fundamentalist") régimes, or such systems of belief and practice (such commonalities were, in effect, hypothesised by some commentators, on the basis of some coinciding voting patterns at the Cairo Population Conference, some years ago, and indeed on some occasions since, etc.). Apparent, localised, accidental analogies and convergences here and there (e.g. - being appalled at the lack of respect for the sacred, or certain - but certainly not all - teachings with regard to sex and the family, etc.) must not be allowed to give the merest impression of some actual or even possible "Holy Alliance" intent on subduing the democratic gains of the last two centuries (and before) in the West (which have happily spread beyond it too, although not yet sufficiently so). That would not only be false, but also destructive of all the Church's hopes for the "dialogue of salvation" (Paul VI)with all who have tragically come to see her as precisely this ogre, inimical to their liberty. We re-conquer (peacefully, peacefully) the hearts and minds of our contemporaries - and their "culture" - and carry forward the new evangelisation, above all by demonsrating that it is the Faith that ultimately gave rise to their liberty, and that the Catholic doctrine on the rightful autonomy of the temporal order, together with our own beliefs concerning human rights (and the civil rights derived therefrom), indeed our very philosophical and theological anthropolgy, are in themselves, not only the fount, but also the guarantee of the liberty they prize. Is not this, in a sense, the overarching enterprise of the more recent Supreme Pontiffs (think, eg. from "Pacem in Terris", "Mater et Magistra" all the way to "Centesimus annus"...) and Vatican II (esp. "Gaudium et spes", "Dignitatis Humanae")? All our (nonviolent, nonviolent) "battles" as Catholics within (not "with": "within") "post-Enlightenment [Western] society" (as called elsewhere)are themselves methodologically and substantively PREMISED on a "healthfully secular" ("sanamente laica", said the Church and Christian Democrats in Italy) democracy. Concentrating attention on this or that presumably agreeable detail of theocratic Islamism (or theocratic anything, really), rather than comparing whole with whole, and joining forces with it(or just allowing the perception of doing so) against the "post-Enlightenment West," as it were, would be (if anyone ever thought of doing so) as tragic an error as that committed by some Catholics in the age of Fascism in Italy, on the basis of analogously faulty un-reasoning.
As a fervent admirer of the Holy Father, an attentive student of His teachings (first, of course, for many years, those of Prof., then Card. Joseph Ratzinger), whose most treasured memories are of a couple of personal theological conversations with the then Cardinal (in the late '80s, and then in the mid-90's, this latter being especially occasioned by His concern to avoid any danger of another Kulturkamf, "culture battle", as a result of something I was asking his opinion about...), I am more certain than certain that He would never contemplate, or countenance, such a project - whatever the precise shape of His plans for the urgently necessary renewal and upgrading of the dialogue with Muslims.
I think that Jihad, properly
I think that Jihad, properly understood, is eminently compatible with Catholicism.
Jihad teaches the personal struggle for holiness, the struggle against one's own sinful tendencies.
Jihad also teaches the obligation to work for social justice and peace.
Some come unstuck by trying to justify violence and war by Jihad, but there are unfortunately plenty of "Just War" Catholics who fall into this same trap too.
Islam is actually our natural ally and secular materialism, greed and war our common foe.
God Bless
I wish this were true, but I
I wish this were true, but I don't think it is. The most common mistake of thinking about any other religion, including Islam, is to look at it as if it were like us but with a couple of slightly variant beliefs.
Islam is not ambivalent about violence - violent war is to be waged wherever it works, and violent warfare has been an integral part of Islam from its beginning. When Islam can't prevail by warfare in a particular situation, lying (taqqiya) and fake ceasefires (hudnas) are valid tools to bring about later conquest.
If there are muslims can disconnect violent jihad from the rest of Islam, I wish them well. I just don't see many trying, and I see a great many celebrating and defending it.
I would have to disagree with the analysis that the great clash today is between belief and unbelief in any case. I think it is between freedom and totalitarianism, and in that fight Islam is no more our ally than Russian or Chinese Communism ever was.
I think if there are
I think if there are peace-loving Islamic people celebrating and defending violent action, it is more a celebration of having made a statement against more subtle evils prevalent in the West, rather than a celebration of war and violence in and of itself. The way these more subtle evils are being framed (e.g. under the guise of liberty and equality) makes them more insidious than the bluntness of violence. I still think the vast majority of Muslims would not condone the kind of violence used by extremists or, in olden days, their leaders seeking glory through conquest. The 1930's German population may have basked in the anticipation of world domination through the actions of Adolph Hitler and even cheered when victories were gained, but neverthless would not have made a choice for violent world domination in a vaccuum. At least the Muslim celebrations have a spiritual and moral motivation.
There is a great book that
There is a great book that makes that point. The Trouble with Islam by Irshad Mangi, a Canadian Muslim woman explains how the spiritual call of Islam has been misused by those who twist it to their own ends.
I wonder if both Christians
I wonder if both Christians and Muslims could agree with John Stoner's statement:
"loving the enemy has become the key both to human survival in the age of terror and to personal transformation. Either we find the God who causes the sun to rise on evil and on the good, or we may have no more sunrises."










From a non-American
From a non-American perspective, I find the following comment interesting:
"He barely scratches the surface of American culture, completely missing its underlying religiosity and failing to understand how core spiritual values such as liberty and equality form part of the bedrock of American psychology".
Most Western countries can claim an underlying religiosity. The question is whether it is being maintained and fostered. From what we are seeing today in the United States, I would say not. And unfortunately, I would tend to disagree that liberty and equality are "core spiritual values" in the way they are currently being used and applied in the West. Should "liberty", for example, extend to the acceptance of multiple sexual preferences or freedom to kill an unborn child? Should "equality" extend to women's lack of respect for their husbands, refusing to have children in preference for furthering their career goals? These are just a couple of examples and, in general, it all sounds rather un-spiritual to me, personally.
I think the poet has hit on the main grudge Islam has against the USA and the west generally. Such a powerful country, full of promise, but taking a path to spiritual poverty and ruin under a rather dubious pretext of upholding "liberty" and "equality". Boundaries are needed where "liberty" flourishes in errant directions. Stability in families is needed where "equality" takes an errant direction. What religiously zealous nation can stand back and watch. In my eyes, one could compare the situation to Jesus seeing the money-changers doing business outside His Father's temple.