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These two Islamic movements bear watching

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 All Things Catholic by John L. Allen, Jr.
  Friday, June 22, 2007 - Vol. 6, No. 42  

The case for despair these days in Christian/Muslim relations is depressingly easy to make. June isn't even over, but so far this month has seen the following anti-Christian incidents in majority Muslim areas:

  • Hamas gunmen torched and looted a Catholic church in Gaza along with a nearby Rosary Sisters School. The parish priest, Fr. Manuel Musalam, said that every cross had been destroyed and every Bible burnt, in addition to the school's computers and other equipment being destroyed. A Hamas leader in Gaza has warned Christians to "get ready" for Islamic rule, stating that "missionary activity" will no longer be tolerated, and those suspected of trying to convert Muslims will be "harshly punished." The consumption of alcohol will be prohibited, and Christian women will be expected to cover themselves in public.
  • Chaldean Fr. Ragheed Ganni, 34, the pastor of Holy Spirit Church in the Nur district of Mosul, Iraq, and subdeacons Basman Yousef Daoud, Ghasan Bidawid, and Wadid Hanna, were forced out of their car, and then shot and killed, outside the church after celebrating Mass on Saturday, June 2.
  • A mob of enraged Muslims in Egypt set out to stone the home of a Coptic Christian family, after a teenager from the family accidentally ran into a Muslim girl while riding his bicycle. Violence broke out in the streets until the police restored order.
  • The third Italian Catholic priest in the Mindanao area of the Philippines to be kidnapped in the last 10 years, Fr. Giancarlo Bossi, a member of the Pontifical Institute for Foreign Missions, was hauled away from his parish by armed militants linked to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front, a group that has waged a bloody war for the independence of Mindanao since 1978.

The fact that not one of these incidents has been front-page news in the West is a sad reminder that such experiences have become so routine for Christians in various parts of the world as to be essentially unremarkable.

As in any crisis, however, there's a danger of selective perception. Atrocities and bloodshed always loom larger than quiet harmony. Without minimizing the threat posed by Islamic radicalism, or the urgency of a more aggressive response both from moderate Muslims and from Western governments in defense of religious freedom, it's worth pointing out that the outrages listed above do not constitute the whole story of what's happening within the Islamic world.

Like Christianity, the 19th, 20th and early 21st centuries have been the historical period in which Islam has struggled with its response to modernity. One such response is "Islamism," an attempt to return to a "pure" Islam based on the shariah, and to impose it by force if necessary. Another has been a wholesale embrace of Western-style modernization, the most prominent example of which is Kemal AtatĂŒrk's secularism in Turkey.

Yet another alternative, albeit one with a much lower media profile, is what scholars call "neo-Sufism," which amounts to an attempt to blend the best elements of modernity with fidelity to basic Islamic values. This movement attracts less attention because it doesn't produce fireworks, but it's a significant presence within Islam, and some experts believe it may be the best way out of the present crisis.

At one level, "neo-Sufism" can simply refer to a revival of interest in Sufi spiritual and mystical practices. In Indonesia, for example, reports indicate that a growing number of young university students and affluent housewives are attracted to Sufi prayer services, especially Thursday night gatherings when followers sing the 99 names of God. Since liturgical music is frowned upon in Sunni Islam, such forms of devotion are experienced as liberating by many Muslims. In that sense, neo-Sufism is largely a way of drawing upon the legacy of Sufism without all its trappings, such as Masters and closely-knit brotherhoods.

Neo-Sufism as an organized social force, however, might be defined as a competitor to Islamism, with the crucial difference being that radicals want to seize political power, while neo-Sufis want to change people's souls.

Perhaps the most widespread forms of neo-Sufism have arisen in Turkey, under the inspiration of Said Nursi in the early 20th century, and later his disciple, Fethullah GĂŒlen. Both men were opposed to the secularization of AtatĂŒrk, but neither did they want a repressive theocracy. Both felt the Islamic contribution to the social order should come not from the imposition of shariah, but a values-driven transformation. Neither is a "Sufi" in the sense of belonging to a brotherhood, but both represent a revitalization of Sufi instincts in the contemporary Islamic world.

Nursi is best known as the author of the Risale-i Nur, the "Message of Light," a 6,000-page commentary on the Qu'ran. He rejected political and military solutions to the crisis posed by secularism, instead concentrating on Qu'ranic study in light of the natural sciences. Nursi argued that the time of the "jihad of the sword" was over, and that now is the era of the "jihad of the word," meaning a reasoned attempt to propose Islam as a basis for a reconciliation of science and modern institutions with religious faith and morality.

During the era of the World Wars, Nursi advised his students to shun military service, a position that repeatedly brought him under suspicion by AtatĂŒrk's government. As early as 1911, Nursi argued that Muslims and "pious Christians" should make common cause in defending a moral and spiritual vision of human life against the momentary illusions of consumer culture.

This made Nursi a champion of inter-faith dialogue well ahead of his time. He defended the rights of Armenians and Greeks in Turkey, a deeply unpopular stance, and reached out to many Christian leaders. In 1950, for example, he sent a collection of his works to Pope Pius XII in Rome, and in 1953 he met with Patriarch Athenagoras of Constantinople (Istanbul). When he died in 1960, the Turkish government was so concerned that his grave might become a pilgrimage site that he had Nursi's body disinterred, and to this day no one knows where it lies. A conservative estimate for the size of his "Nurcu movement" today is five to six million, with some claiming as many as nine million.

Like Nursi, Fethullah GĂŒlen believes in an Islam that is faithful to its traditions but open to the best of modernity. He has denounced terrorism, insisting that "Islamic terrorism" is a contradiction in terms, and has not sought the public enforcement of shariah. In contrast with Nursi, however, GĂŒlen's emphasis is on social transformation based on Islamic values. GĂŒlen particularly stresses education, though the schools he's founded are not "Islamic" in the strict sense, but secular institutions of high quality grounded in basic religious values.

His "GĂŒlen movement," has become a mini-empire, today said to be worth $25 billion. It has its own TV stations, a news agency, a bank, 35 newspapers and magazines in various languages, unions, student associations, and more than 600 schools (including several in the United States, concentrated in New Jersey and Texas) and six universities in 75 countries on five continents, including Virginia International University in Fairfax, Virginia.

GĂŒlen is also a strong believer in inter-faith dialogue, and met Pope John Paul II in 1998. His movement runs interreligious centers around the world, including the Interfaith Dialog Center in Patterson, New Jersey. In 1999, GĂŒlen moved to the United States after Turkish officials indicted him for allegedly plotting to subvert Turkey's secular state. He was acquitted in 2006, and his movement continues to grow.

How significant a force within Islam are these movements? A 2005 conference on the GĂŒlen movement at Rice University estimated his following at six million. If so, the adherents of Nursi and GĂŒlen together could number as many as 15 million people, which would represent a block larger than some global religions. The total Jewish population in the world in 2006, for example, was estimated at 14 million.

Overall, the statistical analysis of David B. Barrett of Regent University puts the number of Sufis in the world at 237 million, roughly 20 percent of the Muslim population -- bearing in mind that many Sufis regard themselves as either Sunnis or Shi'ites, so in some cases Sufis may be counted twice.

Some Catholic observers believe the various expressions of Sufism have kept alive something essential in Islam. Stratford Caldecott has argued that Sufism preserved the relationship between will and intellect within Islam -- or, to use Pope Benedict's preferred terms, faith and reason -- because it identifies God with transcendent beauty. While God is always "free," Sufis nevertheless believe that God does not act in ways that are unfitting or ugly -- and thus God is not pure will, arbitrary and irrational, and neither should those who walk the ways of God sunder themselves from the demands of reason.

Jesuit Fr. Thomas Michel, a former Vatican official and an expert on Islam, claims that movements such as those launched by Nursi and GĂŒlen "point the direction the worldwide Islamic community is heading far more accurately than do the increasingly isolated circles of those who are involved in terrorist fringe organizations."

While the evidence of June 2007 makes that conclusion something less than a slam dunk, one prays that Michel is right.

* * *

Several readers have asked when the paperback edition of my book on Opus Dei would be available. It's now on the market, and can be ordered here: Opus Dei: An Objective Look Behind the Myths and Reality of the Most Controversial Force in the Catholic Church (Paperback).

Regular readers will have noticed that I haven't posted any daily stories for a while. During June and July, I am working on my new book, Megatrends in Catholicism, the manuscript of which is due at Doubleday in September. For that reason, I'm concentrating on the book. I will return to regular daily coverage at the beginning of August.

Editor's Note: Religion news junkies can stay current by reading the Daily News Feed on NCRcafe.org. Reports from news wires and correspondents appear daily there. It's not John Allen, but it is good reading.

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The e-mail address for John L. Allen Jr. is jallen@ncronline.org

Dear John, While we

Dear John,

While we acknowledge that your article is very fair and balanced, the ensuing postings have raised a number of issues which we feel should be straightened out. First of all, in your own article you say that GĂŒlen was opposed to Ataturk’s secularization. It is important to make clear that GĂŒlen never met Ataturk and was born after the establishment of the Republic of Turkey. Also, GĂŒlen is not opposed to a secular political state but if secularization means the deliberate, aggressive and militant removal of the sense of the sacred from people’s lives, then he may be said to oppose that through intellectual argument.

On the postings, it is always difficult to conceptualize a newly-met phenomenon which is outside our own personal experience, especially when in order to fully experience it we would need to change our own beliefs. It is, therefore, perhaps natural to use comparison to what is already familiar to us to help to grasp that new or strange phenomenon. This is probably why your correspondent compares the GĂŒlen Movement to Opus Dei.

In reality, however, Opus Dei and the GĂŒlen Movement differ markedly even after their origins in different faith traditions are taken into account. This is not to attack Opus Dei, about which we know little, but the list of qualities of the GĂŒlen Movement given in a posting on your article is somewhat inaccurate.

First of all, the GĂŒlen Movement, as a civil society movement, rather than an organization, has no membership, no hierarchy, ranks or stages. In this it seems to be unlike Opus Dei. It has no unusual or controversial rituals or practices which are not common and traditional practice among Sunni Muslims. It does not, for example, require celibacy for participants. Indeed, strictly speaking, it does not require anything at all from participants, as they are self-selecting. Among Muslim participants commitment to the daily practice of Islam varies In some countries there are many participants in the movement who are not Muslims, and yet support the educational and dialogue activities inspired by the movement.

Again, unlike what we know of Opus Dei, participants in the GĂŒlen movement have set up a large number of social movement organizations and institutions (SMOs). These SMOs naturally have their own management structures, but these structures are specific to each SMO and may vary in form according to the purpose of the SMO. SMOs such as schools employ people for their professional qualifications and not on account of ‘membership’ of an ‘organization’, as such membership does not exist and therefore cannot be used as a criterion.

The movement is not very controversial. The movement is esteemed by the major part of civil society in Turkey and the surrounding regions and has been praised by a great number of public figures from all sides of the political spectrum. The cable news company ntv-MSNBC conducted a survey (10,000 people) and showed that “96 percent of the public do not consider GĂŒlen a threat to the country”. Ajan.net also conducted a survey (36,367 people) and found that “91 percent of the public accept GĂŒlen as a moderate Islamic scholar and do not consider him a threat or the leader of a terrorist-subversive organization”. There does, however, appear to be a small ideological group in what is known in Turkey as “the deep state” which is strongly opposed to all civil society movements and faith-based initiatives, including the GĂŒlen movement, although these present a purely symbolic challenge to the vested interests of that ideological group. It may be said that this latter group is more controversial than the GĂŒlen Movement.

Contrary to the suggestion by the second poster to your article, we do not believe that the Turkish people have been in favor of repeated military coups and the associated political and economic misdeeds, graft, plunder and political smokescreens.

All the best
M.Cetin

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Thank you very much for this

Thank you very much for this analysis, John. Here in Melbourne the Archdiocese has a very good relationship with the local GĂŒlen movement organisation ("The Australian Intercultural Society), and we are about to establish an official "Memorandum of Understanding" with them. They have, as you point out, a particular interfaith focus. I recently travelled to Turkey on a special intercultural tour with this group where we were hosted by local GĂŒlen movement organisations.

Many people have asked me to explain how the GĂŒlen movement is organised and what its relationship with Islam is. I have responded by comparing them to Opus Dei. The analogy is quite fitting, I believe, but few are knowlegable enough about both movements to understand the analogy. You may indeed be the one exception to this rule!

The similarities I find are:

1) they are completely faithful to their particular faith (Catholicism/Islam)
2) they follow the peculiar interpretation of their faith made by a particular "teacher" or guru (Jose Maria Escriva/Fethullah GĂŒlen)
3) they are a network of independant organisations
4) the "connection" of particular organisations with the overall movement is not always made public
5) they are regarded with suspicion by many, including those who belong to the same faith
6) they are a lay movement with special emphasis on transforming society from within
7) they set a high standard of individual development in specialised fields such as business, medicine, education
8) they have a strong connection to a particular national/ethnic community(Spainish/Turkish)

I believe that this movement will make itself felt in the future, but one key question is whether they can expand beyond the Turkish community. I know that they have relationships with muslims around the world, but I am not sure to what degree other "neo-sufi" movements have been affected by them.

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Having lived a very happy

Having lived a very happy openly Christian life in Turkey for 9 years, I wonder why people don't make more of Turkey as a culturally Moslem state with a secular democracy as its government, and a pretty strong ally of the US since the 1950s, in spite of our sometimes less than appreciative attitude towards them. Observers frown on the way the military rises up occasionally to preserve this secularism through undemocratic coups, but it's as if the country needs the military to be their voice when the politics gets too unruly. The Turkish people always seemed happy that the military had stepped in, confident that the military would step out again when things calmed down--as they did, though once in the early '80s it took them 3 years. They are perfectly aquiescent toward anyone worshipping in the faith of his/her choice, while strongly opposing anyone who tries to convert a Moslem to anything else. While the country is generally committed to democracy, there is always a tension in the balance, so it's probably just as well that lots of people have no idea about Turkish politics and only a few people are watching them work things out. They're currently proposing extending democracy by having the president elected in a direct election instead of decided by Parliament. (The Prime Minister heads the govt.)

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